The historical and present-day violence in the Bananera zone of Magdalena

Rural leaders Martin Escobar and Willington Tovar were both shot dead in August 2023 in Magdalena. The department has a long and tragic history of violence faced demanding their rights and a more just society.

Article written by Armando de la Valle, Santiago Huguett & Danna Rey

In the heart of Colombia, the Magdalena region has experienced decades of violence and conflict, leaving a profound imprint on its social and political landscape. From the 1928 massacre of banana workers to recent clashes between armed groups, violence has shaped the history and daily reality of its inhabitants. The history of violence in Magdalena is a painful narrative of conflicts rooted in social and political injustice. From the dark days of the banana workers' massacre to contemporary clashes between armed groups, the region has seen an endless cycle of violence and repression. In recent years, one of the forms of violence that has been most apparent, in Magdalena and throughout Colombia, is the violence faced by social leaders and human rights defenders in the country. According to Indepaz, there have been more than 1,600 such activists murdered since the 2016 peace agreement with the FARC guerrillas. In this context, it is imperative to explore how this history of violence affects present-day social leaders who, despite constant threats and risks, continue to fight for human rights and the construction of a fairer and more peaceful society. To fully understand the impact of violence on social leaders in Magdalena today, it is crucial to analyze the historical and political context of the area, highlighting the influence of factors such as socio-economic inequality, the presence of armed groups, and institutional corruption. Additionally, we must examine how these conditions have created a power vacuum, leaving social leaders vulnerable to threats and risks due to their work in defending human rights and seeking justice. Moreover, we must address the disadvantaged position of these leaders and the need to establish strategies and measures to protect and support them in their brave struggle for a more peaceful and just Magdalena and Colombia. 

The historical violence in Magdalena is emblematic of the broader conflict's origins and manifestations. One particularly grim event was the banana workers massacre, which occurred in 1928. This atrocity saw multitudes of striking plantation workers brutally killed by government forces and paramilitary groups at the behest of the privately owned corporation, the United Fruit Company, highlighting the ruthless exploitation and suppression of labor movements. The massacre's causes stemmed from the monopolistic practices of the United Fruit Company, exacerbated by the collusion between political elites and armed groups. Its impact reverberated throughout Colombian society, fueling resentment and mistrust toward authorities and elite interests. The legacy left by the banana workers massacre serves as a poignant reminder of the deep-seated injustices and violence that have plagued Magdalena, shaping the trajectory of the prolonged armed conflict that unfolded across the region and the nation. Nevertheless, the memory of this tragic event remains a subject of contention, with individuals continuing to diminish its significance, dismissing it as exaggerated or politically motivated, even after nearly a century has passed. Despite estimates ranging from acknowledging as few as 9 deaths to reporting over 100 deaths shortly after the massacre, and even reaching up to 500-600 deaths as suggested by a legal advisor from the United Fruit Company (UFC) in Bogotá, it is stated that the actual death toll surpassed 1,000 (Brittanica). The staggering scale of the tragedy underscores the brutality inflicted upon the banana workers and the severity of the repression they endured. Denials leading up to even the present day not only detract from the suffering and loss experienced by the victims and their families but also reflects the deeply polarized state of the nation, where historical truths are often distorted for political gain. In an environment where historical narratives are manipulated for political ends, the importance of facing the past and recognizing its intricacies becomes strikingly evident. The varying viewpoints on events like the Banana workers massacre serve as stark reminders of the deep divisions within Colombian society. While some acknowledge the gravity of this tragedy and push for justice, others opt to minimize its importance or outright deny its existence. This stark contrast highlights the enduring societal rifts that remain, almost one hundred years on from the bloody incident. Such positions have been hardened through the decades of armed conflict in Colombia. 

The armed conflict in Colombia is rooted deeply in the country's history, characterized by political, social, and economic tensions that have simmered for decades, both before and after the massacre in 1928. One pivotal moment in this history was the assassination of Jorge Eliécer Gaitán in 1948, which sparked a period of intense violence known as "La Violencia." Gaitán's death marked a turning point, unleashing pent-up frustrations among Colombia's marginalized populations. La Violencia pitted liberals against conservatives, leading to a bloody civil conflict that claimed hundreds of thousands of lives and displaced millions. This period was fundamental due to emergence of armed groups such as the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) and the National Liberation Army (ELN), groups whose main goal was to fight against the status quo. The growth of guerrilla groups in the mid-20th century further escalated tensions, as they clashed with government forces and sought to advance their agendas through armed struggle. These groups often operated in remote regions, including the Magdalena River basin and in the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta mountain range. The impact of the armed conflict on Colombia, and the Magdalena region in particular, has been profound. Communities throughout the region have borne the brunt of displacement, as clashes between armed groups and government forces have forced families to flee their homes in search of safety. Moreover, the presence of armed actors has hindered economic development and exacerbated social inequalities, perpetuating a cycle of poverty and violence. While not the only factor (the region, like many others throughout Colombia has been disputed for control of lucrative drug trafficking routes), the use and ownership of agricultural land, and access to vital resources such as water, would become an increasing source of tension in a region with long established and divisive forms of mono-cultivation. 

The use of water would become the field of confrontation for the actors present in this scenario. The environmental conflict in Zona Bananera is essentially a clash over the dominance of one form of production over another. This conflict highlights the critical role that water plays in sustaining agricultural practices and the competing interests that arise as a result. One real-world example of such a conflict is the water disputes between farmers and mining companies in various regions. Farmers rely on water for irrigation of crops, while mining operations require significant amounts of water for their processes (Entre Banano, Palma Y Violencias En La Zona Bananera De Magdalena, 2018). Furthermore, tensions have been created due to the question of access to water sources by large-scale landowners and industrialized agriculture.  This competition for water resources often leads to tensions and conflicts, showcasing the complex interplay between different stakeholders. Various theories, such as the tragedy of the commons, can be applied to understand the dynamics of water usage conflicts. The tragedy of the commons theory posits that individuals, acting in their self-interest, deplete shared resources, leading to negative outcomes for all. In the context of Zona Bananera, the overexploitation of water resources by competing industries can be seen as a manifestation of this theory. By delving deeper into the concept of water as a common pool resource, we can better grasp the challenges faced in managing water usage conflicts.  In more recent times, communities who are fighting to create more prosperity and inclusion of   the local communities that have historically been overlooked and marginalized due to the interests of agro-industrial and monocultures, have been on the receiving end of threats and violence. Such situations evoke painful memories for communities that suffered greatly during the worst years of the armed conflict in the region. 

In the case of Zona Bananera municipality, the various victimizing events intensified from 1997 onwards and began to partially decrease from 2009 onwards, coinciding with the arrival, peak, and dismantling of paramilitary units. According to the Rutas del Conflicto project by the National Center for Historical Memory and the Verdad Abierta portal, the Zona Bananera, and the region to which the municipality belongs, was a paramilitary target from the early nineties on orders from Salvatore Mancuso and the Castaño brothers, Carlos and Vicente, who sought to take control of the drug trafficking route in the Ciénaga Grande de Santa Marta. During this period, the Zona Bananera witnessed a profound shift in power dynamics with the emergence of paramilitary groups, whose presence unleashed a reign of terror upon the local community. The control exerted by these armed actors not only disrupted daily life but also shattered the social fabric of the municipality, leaving behind a legacy of fear, displacement, and human rights violations. Paramilitaries employed ruthless tactics such as forced recruitment, extortion, and targeted killings, instilling a pervasive climate of fear and oppression. As the region continues to grapple with the aftermath of the conflict, families and communities affected by the violence continue to seek justice and compensation for their losses. Crimes against leaders can be directly linked to this context, as families claim land and communities strive to establish their rights amidst the lingering presence of paramilitary inheritors, highlighting the ongoing struggle for justice and reconciliation in the region. 

The socio-economic inequality in the Magdalena region of Colombia has been a significant factor contributing to the prevalence of violence in the area. The noticeable differences in wealth and opportunities have fueled social tensions and resentment, creating an environment conducive to conflict. Moreover, institutional corruption has further deteriorated these conditions, weakening trust in government entities and creating a vacuum of power. The lack of access to basic services and economic opportunities for marginalized communities in the Magdalena region intensifies the socio-economic divide, deepening the sense of exclusion and alienation. This exclusion, coupled with a history of neglect and weak governance, has left a void in leadership and accountability, allowing illicit actors to exploit the vulnerable population, further perpetuating the cycle of violence and instability in the region (PNUD,2021). Unfortunately, this kind of violence has continued in the new century In modern days, , the power vacuum left by the paramilitaries and the FARC guerrillas has left the opportunity for  other illegal groups, who see this area as a very critical zone  because of the maritime port of Santa Marta that is used to transport drugs to the US and Europe. It is a strategic area for illegal economies. Criminal organizations such as the   Clan del Golfo (Autodedefensas Gaitanistas de Colombia or AGC) and the Pachencos (Autodefensas Conquistadores de la Sierra Nevada or ACSN) have been involved in a fierce conflict to control the drug channels and other interests in the region. The autodefensas aspect of the names both organizations use to identify themselves demonstrates the paramilitary legacy from which both groups emerged following demobilization processes between 2004-2006. Like the paramilitary groups they emerged from, the presence of these groups poses huge threats for the communities and representatives of Magdalena. These threats and dangers are clearly seen in instances of violence faced by social leaders in the region. 

The recent murders of Martin Darys Escobar Barón and Willington Tovar Gil underscore the persistent violence and intimidation faced by social leaders advocating for justice in Magdalena. Martin Escobar had previously survived an attempt on his life in 2020, yet the National Protection Unit had not offered the necessary protection to the rural leader. Martin was a leader representing rural communities as part of the Asociación Nacional de Usuarios Campesinos de Colombia. He was shot dead on August 16th 2023, with local human rights defenders suggesting his murder was due to the issue of land reclamation, as Martin represented a community who had been awarded plots of land at La Conquista in the Zona Bananera area. A day earlier, Willington Tovar Gil was shot dead in the San Zenon in the south of the department of Magdalena. Willington was a political activist for the Alianza Democratica Amplia (ADA) party in a zone of the department where the AGC are known to be present. Operating in environments marked by poverty and armed groups, these leaders champion the rights of marginalized communities, often at great personal risk. The Colombian government must urgently implement robust measures, including enhancing law enforcement presence, implementing witness protection programs, and prosecuting crimes against social leaders. Such actions are crucial to fostering a safe environment and deterring further violence. According to statistics from INDEPAZ, there have been 28 documented cases of social leaders killed in Magdalena since 2016 (as of May 2024), reflecting the pervasive threat of violence and impunity facing activists in the region. Some of these cases, such as that of Maritza Quiroz, gained national attention, but many are overlooked and under analyzed. Maritza, like Martin Escobar, had been awarded a plot of land in the department as compensation for being forcibly displaced years previously. 

Furthermore, the murders of environmental defenders like Wilton Orrego, Nathalia Jimenez, and Alejandro Llinas highlight the dangerous consequences of raising awareness about environmental issues in Colombia. These individuals were targeted for their efforts to protect the natural environment and hold other stakeholders accountable for their actions, further illustrating the complex interplay between environmental degradation, social conflict, and violence in the Magdalena region. Their deaths, amid a backdrop of escalating violence in the region, highlight the dangers faced by those advocating for marginalized communities and sustainable development in Colombia. Social leaders in Magdalena are pivotal in advancing peace, development, and human rights. Their protection and support are vital for building a more equitable society. By prioritizing comprehensive protection strategies and backing the efforts of social leaders, Colombia can take significant strides towards creating a more peaceful and just society for all. 

In conclusion, the socio-economic inequality in the Magdalena region of Colombia has created fertile ground for violence, perpetuating a cycle of conflict that has endured for decades. The historical and present-day violence in the Zona Bananera reflects deep-rooted injustices and power struggles, with armed groups vying for control over strategic territories and resources. From the 1928 banana workers massacre to the recent murders of social leaders and environmental defenders, the region has borne witness to the devastating impact of violence on its inhabitants. The ongoing struggle for justice and reconciliation underscores the urgent need for comprehensive protection strategies and support for social leaders advocating for peace and human rights. Addressing the underlying socio-economic disparities and institutional corruption is essential to breaking the cycle of violence and building a more equitable and peaceful society in Magdalena and Colombia as a whole. 

References 

La Libertad Sublime. (2022, June 13). Natalia and Rodrigo: The Honeymoon Murder of Colombian environmentalists that shocked the country. La Libertad Sublime. https://www.lalibertadsublime.com/post/natalia-and-rodrigo-the-honeymoon-murder-of-colombian-environmentalists-that-shocked-the-country 

Pobreza y desigualdad en la región caribe ¿Cómo recuperar la Senda del Desarrollo Sostenible? | Programa de las Naciones unidas para el Desarrollo. (2021, April 22). https://www.undp.org/es/colombia/speeches/pobreza-y-desigualdad-en-la-region-caribe 

Tiempo, R. E. (1995, April 24). ZONA BANANERA BAJO DOMINIO DE LA VIOLENCIA. El Tiempo. https://www.eltiempo.com/archivo/documento/MAM-496375 

Gómez, L. (2023, November 10). Amnistía Internacional Advirtió que líderes sociales en Colombia Siguen en Riesgo y el gobierno ha fallado en su protección. infobae. https://www.infobae.com/colombia/2023/11/10/amnistia-internacional-advirtio-que-lideres-sociales-en-colombia-siguen-en-riesgo-y-el-gobierno-ha-fallado-en-su-proteccion/ 

Entre banano, palma y violencias en la zona bananera de Magdalena. (2018, July). www.cinep.org.co. Retrieved May 7, 2024, from https://www.cinep.org.co/publi-files/PDFS/20190613B4_Estudio_de_caso_territorial_Magdalena_Entre_el_banano.pdf 

Asesinan a Líder de Zona Bananera: Había sobrevivido a atentado y la unp no Lo Protegió. Seguimiento.co. (2023, August 17). https://seguimiento.co/magdalena/asesinan-lider-de-zona-bananera-habia-sobrevivido-atentado-y-la-unp-no-lo-protegio-66684