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Social leader Filadelfo Anzola was murdered amidst the state abandon that defines the south of Bolívar, a region whose lack of basic infrastructure, among other factors, allows illegal groups to prosper.
Article written by Daniela Arcon, Isabella Castrillon & Adriana Peña
Throughout the history of the armed conflict in Colombia social leaders have fought for the well-being of their communities. Some of the ways they have done this have been through defending the ownership of their lands, the health of their ecosystem and the human rights of their community. Being a social leader in Colombia is not easy, since by being a social leader, one may become a target of armed groups, the military and on occasion the government itself, as leaders are viewed as an obstacle to the interests of these groups or sectors. Leaders fight without being recognized and sometimes die without their name being remembered. After the peace agreement between the government and the FARC guerrillas in 2016, the number of social leaders’ murders have increased as a variety of armed groups have filled the power vacuum left by FARC, and fight for the control of the territories in search of gaining control over coca production, mining and other illegal activities. According to Human Rights Watch (2021) “The killings have exposed an underreported pattern of violence and abuse in remote parts of Colombia where law enforcement and judicial processes rarely reach. This absence of state institutions has left countless communities undefended". The problem here is the absence of the State and the lack of policies created and applied for marginalized communities that have been impacted by the armed conflict. Social leaders in Colombia deserve to be recognized and protected for everything that they do for their communities. This text will aim to explore this issue by focusing on the case of Filadelfo Anzola, a significant leader in the Magdalena Medio region, who was killed just because he believed in protecting the rights of his people and the environment.
A clear reflection of the situation regarding social leaders in Colombia is the case of Filadelfo Anzola in the department of Bolivar. Filadelfo was a social leader and human rights defender dedicated to promoting, protecting and denouncing the alarming state of human rights in the Magdalena Medio region. Anzola employed several mechanisms and civilian organisations to fight for the rights of the community. For example, he had participated in the Environmental Commission of the Human Rights Committee of the NGO CREDHOS, he led the land reclamation commission of the community of Los Alpes and he was leader of the Community Action Board, Junta de Acción Comunal, (JAC) of the municipality of San Pablo (BLU Radio Santander, 2022). Part of Filadelfo’s job in CREDHOS was to denounce military actions or environmental damage in the area that could or had affected the community. However, the projects led by Filadelfo suffered a grave and tragic setback on Thursday the 6th of December 2022, when he was shot dead by two men on a motorbike in the township of Cagüices. Despite the lack of information about the motives of his murder, it is considered that the crime is related to the civic activities Anzola was carrying out in that jurisdiction, namely, his intentions to be part of the council for the MAIS party. Likewise, the authorities are not certain who the perpetrators were, but it’s considered that those responsible could be the “Auto Defensas Gaitanistas de Colombia” an armed group with strong presence in the territory (Montaño, 2022). Unfortunately, the presence of armed actors such as these means that Filadelfo’s case is far from an isolated occurance.
To name just three social leaders murdered recently in the department of Bolívar: Martin Bayona, president of the JAC of La Cuchilla, rural area of Corcovado township, involved in the PDET (Development Programs with a Territorial Focus) and several sport and recreation activities; Eduardo Vanegas, victim of forced displacement and an active member of the Municipal Community Development as well as president of the JAC of Pueblito Mejía; Erminson Rivera, president of the JAC of La Esperanza, rural area of Cantagallo. All of them shared and faced the same circumstances as Filadelfo: all were members of the JAC of their territories and were murdered in uncertain circumstances in the department of Bolivar. According to Murrillo et al. (2023), there is a concerning nationwide vulnerability of community leaders, especially those who are presidents or vice presidents of a JAC as the aforementioned leaders were. Just in 2022, out of 198 murders of social leaders, 59 were carried out against members of the JAC (Restrepo et al., 2023). There is a higher vulnerability in those who participate as members of the JAC, with the presidents of these boards the most affected (39 murders), followed by the members of different positions in the JAC with 20 murders. The murders have a higher incidence in territories that are disputed between armed groups. It could be considered that these groups observe these social leaders as an “inconvenience” in their plans to control the territory. But why are these territories so coveted by the armed groups?
It is sadly evident that individuals engaged in social leadership and the protection of human rights have been victims of fatal violence in Colombia, particularly in traditionally marginalized areas such as the southern region of Bolívar. These territories have strategic importance in the control of economies such as gold and the cocaine production chain, consequently, the role of different groups, both legal and illegal, to this region will be observed. It is imperative to consider the previously stated remarks to understand the dynamics present in this area of the nation: its strategic relevance to the growth of armed groups, the conflicts between them, and the absence of state control which facilitates the spread of these dynamics. In the first place, territories in the south of Bolivar provide an advantageous environment for armed groups that have been in control of certain areas of the department for many years, such as the southern region and the villages of Montecristo and Mina Piojó. The year of 1997 stands out for, with the region already having an established presence of the ELN and the FARC (both left-wing guerrilla organizations), the entry of the AUC (right-wing paramilitaries) into the panorama. Such a dynamic meant the region was the scene of horrendously violent clashes between these rival forces. Now more than two decades later, the presence of subversive armed actors such as the 24th and 37th fronts of the FARC (dissidents from the peace treaty) and the front José Solano Sepúlveda of the ELN prevail in the region, in addition to the AGC (an armed group (heavily involved in illegal economies) formed following the demobilization of the AUC paramilitaries in 2006. These locations are attractive to these groups due to their high fertility soil, commercial borders, and the aforementioned lack of state presence.
Another example, the Montes de Maria region, located between the departments of Bolivar and Sucre, is worth noting. According to Indepaz (2011), the development of road infrastructure in this area was initially unstable, which caused it to be neglected and hard to reach. The Troncal Occidental and the Troncal del Caribe routes provided new access to the Atlantic coast and its ports, allowing for the potential of strategic pathways to the coast that could be used for drug and arms trafficking. However, it is important to remember that the exploitation of these resources is also of international interest, specifically to companies from the global north. Andrés, a miner from the Federación Agrominera del Sur de Bolívar said that in the south of Bolivar "mining is a lottery: there is only one who buys the ticket and that is the one who wins it”. The winners would be those large international mining companies that exploit the territory with the permission of the different governments with specific financial objectives, but without considering the general welfare of the population or region. Furthermore, The AGC, ELN, and 37th Front are vying for control of the Serranía de San Lucas, which is part of a region that encompasses the municipalities of Montecristo, Santa Rosa del Sur, Simití, and San Pablo in the south of Bolívar department. This area holds strategic importance due to illegal goldmining economies and the cocaine production chain. The Comisión de la Verdad (Truth Commission established as part of the 2016 peace agreement between the Colombian state and the FARC guerrillas) found that certain groups implemented an extractive business model in certain territories, which was supported by the cultivation of illegal crops and mining. This led to the forced displacement of communities and land grabbing. It is important to emphasize that even if goal of this article is to understand the illegal dynamics present in the Bolivar department, it cannot be ignored that these dynamics represent the day-to-day reality for numerous rural communities in the country. Consequently, it is undeniable that the lack of state sovereignty and inadequate governance in the Bolivar department has led to certain dynamics, particularly in the nation's rural areas. For well over twenty years, the southern region of the department has been occupied by armed groups that take advantage of the lack of state authority. These illegal groups attempt to provide "security" and fulfil the "hard duties" of the state but do so by using intimidation and violence. An example would be the extortion rackets, exploitation of income or land claiming. However, it is also essential to consider what methods the community in Bolivar has employed to address the destruction inflicted by armed groups in the area.
It is undeniable that the Bolivar community has endured hardships, however, it is equally significant to comprehend the methods through which they attempt to confront these situations. Currently, the communities are trying under the framework of the peace accords to make use of the mechanisms at hand to bring security and reparations to the region. For example, The Junta de Acción Comunal (Community Action Board-JAC) stands out as one of the primary tools utilized by local communities. The definition provided by the Mayor’s Office of Tesauquillo establishes the JAC as a non-profit civic corporation composed of the residents of a place, who join efforts and resources to procure the solution to the most urgent needs of the community. Some of the objectives of the JAC are to “disseminate, promote and watch over the exercise of human, fundamental and environmental rights enshrined in the Constitution”. Another tool widely used by the Bolivar community is the practice of land restitution, which defends the right of the victims to have their land returned to them when it was taken or abandoned as a result of the armed conflict. Finally, it is important to highlight the government policies which intend to work as support of the Peace Accord. Under the administration of the former president Iván Duque, the National Government opted to develop a protocol known as the Plan de Acción Oportuna de Prevención y Protección or PAO. Its main goal was the protection of human rights defenders, social and community leaders, and journalists. Sadly, social leaders continue to be hindered by constant death threats and ineffective protection mechanisms (PAO). Currently, the authorities proclaim that they are following the new framework defined by PAO, but its measures are not clearly defined.
To conclude, it is important to acknowledge that the terrible reality which Filadelfo had to go through, and not only him but also other social leaders in Colombia, like the ones mentioned in this article, is a reality that can and must change. Nonetheless, for this reality to change, the actions taken by the government and the awareness that civil society has about social leaders needs to improve. It is necessary that we as a society push our government to take substantial action on the armed conflict, not only with the peace accords but also by protecting the victims of the conflict in order to prevent them from being revictimized. Government entities need to follow-up on the situation facing social leaders and help them with their labors by connecting the public policies with the reality that people in the areas most affected by conflict have to go through, and assuring protection against the repercussions of armed groups by demonstrating true state presence.
Social leaders in Colombia want to change the reality of our country with their advocacy for the protection of their people and their lands. As citizens we need to reflect on Filadelfio's story, and those of all social leaders in the country, and realize that we are part of the change too. We can do this by acknowledging the importance of the work that these leaders do in their communities and the impact that their deaths can cause on the marginalized communities of our country, on our environment and in the political arena.
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