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Murdered communal leaders Luis Caldera & Jorge Betancur.
In Colombia, violence, drug trafficking and the armed conflict have not ceased and currently continue to cause a long list of deaths of social leaders or human rights defenders. In general terms, social leaders are people who, individually or with others, seek to protect the rights of a given area or community. In this sense, “Human rights defenders seek the promotion and protection of civil and political rights, as well as the promotion, protection and fulfillment of economic, social and cultural rights” (Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights Human Rights/OHCHR). Undoubtedly, this problem does not affect all Colombians equally; violence against social leaders is concentrated mostly in marginalized regions where there is a presence of illegal groups and a state absence. It should be noted that the types of leaders affected are diverse, and among them the following stand out: indigenous leaders, peasant leaders, Afro-descendant leaders, and leaders of LGTBI communities to name but a few. However, members of communal action boards known as communal leaders have been the main victims over the past few years, given their adherence to a culture of legality and local organisation, which can be seen as a threat to the interests of illegal groups, which are aimed at monopolizing and realising territorial control. It is important to mention that communal leaders are extremely important, since they also seek to improve the quality of life of the members of the group, as well as embodying contact with the government for better management and better communication with the community. Their work allows necessary development plans, such as paving roads and infrastructure improvement (as well as the building and improvement of schools, clinics, etc), to proceed. This article seeks to analyze and provide information regarding the current situation of social leaders based on the national and regional context with a specific focus on communal leaders.
First, at the national level the problems surrounding social leaders are extremely worrying given the high levels of violence against them. To be specific, social leaders face daily attacks and constant threats in their struggle to defend their rights and those of the communities affected by the Colombian armed conflict. According to Indepaz (2020), from the signing of the Peace Agreement in 2016 to mid-2020, 971 social leaders were assassinated, from human rights defenders to community leaders. In addition, during the term of President Duque until July 2020, around 573 social leaders were assassinated. This figure represents an increase compared to the Santos government, where 459 murders against social leaders were committed between July of 2016 and August 2018. (Indepaz, 2020). However, such figures also indicate that this dynamic was occurring with alarming regularity before the current government took office. What is clear is that numbers have increased with the signing and implementation of the 2016 peace deal between the government and the FARC guerrillas. According to Human Rights Watch (2021), the 2016 peace agreement is equipped with plans to combat the lack of legitimate economic opportunities, illegal economies, and the absence of the state. Likewise, the peace agreement seeks to strengthen democracy and generate more political participation to enrich the debate around national problems. However, the implementation of these plans and ideals has been ineffective and very slow. Furthermore, the support widely expressed by human rights defenders for some initiatives initiated under the peace agreement has made them the principal victims of illegal groups (Human Rights Watch, 2021). In this sense, it is correct to affirm that one of the causes for which social leaders are assassinated is for supporting and participating in projects aimed at combating drug trafficking and other illicit activities. The above can be exemplified by the support that social leaders have given to projects aimed at replacing coca crops with food crops. On the other hand, from a regional perspective, it is clear that many illegal groups have a strong presence in areas with ineffective state control, since it makes it easier for them to perpetuate and maintain their power. According to experts (Carreño, Garcia, Gomez & Mateus), the department of Cauca is one of the regions that has been most susceptible to murders and unbridled threats towards social leaders. For its part, according to the Indepaz report (2020), the five departments that had the most registered homicides of social leaders in 2020 were: Cauca, Antioquia, Nariño, Valle del Cauca and Putumayo. This demonstrates the great regional insecurity that exists in the departments of Colombia and the need for the Colombian government to address this issue.
Second, despite the fact that departments such as Cauca, Antioquia and Nariño are highly dangerous for social leaders, there are other regions that are also affected. According to the above, it is pertinent to mention the panorama of the Caribbean region, which is another complex area for social leaders in the Colombian country. According to Trejos & Badillo (2020), during the first semester of 2020, homicides of social leaders were concentrated in the south of Bolívar (2), in the south of Córdoba (5), in Cesar (2), and in Magdalena (1). For its part, according to the report of the Misión de Observación Electoral (MOE) (2020), it mentions that of 81 social leaders assassinated during 2020 at that point, 16 of them had been committed in the Caribbean region. In this sense, it is correct to affirm that unbridled violence against human rights defenders and social leaders occurs in those territories with the presence of illegal actors including: the ELN (active guerrilla organisation found in the departments of Bolivar, Cesar, La Guajira and Magdalena), AGC (The Autodefensas Gaitanistas de Colombia or Clan del Golfo, the largest illegal organisation in Colombia which was established following the demobilisation of paramilitary forces in 2006 and has a presence in all departments of the Caribbean region), ACSN (The Autoconquistadores de la Sierra Nevada; an illegal group made up of former paramilitaries with a stronghold in Magdalena and Cesar) and Los Caparros (a splinter group from the AGC which is particularly active in the south of Córdoba) and illicit sources of income, specifically planting, processing or the exporting of cocaine hydrochloride (Trejos & Badillo, 2020). According to the Washington Office on Latin American Affairs (Wola), illegal groups or armed groups are those illicit structures that seek to protect their political interests and illegal economic activities through violence. Based on the presence of these groups, it is evident that the hostile environment generated by illegal groups in rural areas aims to maintain territorial control and develop activities outside the law such as drug trafficking and illegal mining. Likewise, it is important to highlight that areas characterized by difficulties such as lack of education, health services and limitations of their rights are potentially more vulnerable to scenarios of violence and uncertainty. In effect, much of this violence is occurring in zones with a weak state presence and a clear presence of illegal actors.
Third, it is important that the Colombian government pay close attention to social leaders, especially communal leaders, since they are the most affected and the main victims of illegal groups. Generally speaking, communal leaders can be understood as those with a position on their Junta de Acción Comunal (Communal Action Boards), which are micro-organisations seeking to formalise the postures and affairs of local communities. These communal action boards are the only formal means of communicating the interests of the communities with local and national government initiatives. These communal action boards are found throughout all villages, towns and cities in Colombia, but they are particularly significant to the interests in long marginalized rural sectors of the country, in regions which suffer state abandonment. This role places these communal action boards in the crossfire of illegal groups operating in these areas, who are resistant to greater integration with local and national government as this could threaten the illicit economies they depend on. These micro-organisations are also vital in terms of implementing rural development plans and crop substitution programs agreed in the 2016 peace deal; such initiatives face resistance from certain sectors of the local elites and from illegal groups as they are seen as contrary to their interests. This is the reason why communal leaders are the most threatened by violence at a national and regional level. One case that helps to demonstrate the terrible panorama of violence against communal leaders is the case of Luis Eduardo Caldera, who was a former president of the San Jacinto del Cauca Community Action Board, which is located in southern Bolívar. His position in this organization, which is a non-profit corporation made up of citizens of the same community who join forces to work together and in community, was to bring security, promote human rights and become a bridge between the community and the government (Libertad Sublime, 2020). Unfortunately, he was found dead on August 15, 2019, floating with his hands tied behind his back in the Cauca River. The main suspects in the murder were members of the AGC/Clan del Golfo. For its part, the Colombian government admitted that this part of the Caribbean represents a problem, however they continue to argue that the homicide rate is decreasing, which is far from accurate (La Libertad Sublime, 2020). In the same way, another example that helps to exemplify the shocking violence that exists against community leaders is the case of Jorge Luis Betancur, who served as a rural leader and was president of the community action board in San Francisco del Rayo located in the south of Córdoba. Betancur had a very important role; one of his principal functions was the coordination of sport events for his community, and also as the president of the communal action board, he was the legal representation to defend the interest of his community (La Libertad Sublime, 2020). Unfortunately, on January 13, 2020 he was murdered by members of an unidentified armed group in the region. Subsequently , the police argued that the AGC/ Clan Del Golfo, which is a group made up of former paramilitaries, was responsible for the death of Luis Betancur and also for various threats to social leaders in the region (La Libertad Sublime, 2020). Based on the above, it is evident that the cases previously exposed share similarities, given that both departments (Bolivar and Córdoba) comply with the patterns that surround the murders of social leaders such as: State absence, high levels of poverty and inequality and the presence of illegal groups and lucrative illicit economies. It should be noted that while statistical data is necessary to measure the levels of violence against social leaders, individual cases really help to understand the impact of violence against communal leaders such as Luis Eduardo Calera and Jorge Luis Betancur. Their murders leave behind a broken family and a weakened community.
Finally, it is extremely important to mention that there are various challenges that the Colombian government has to face in order to reduce the murders of social leaders. Likewise, there are several actions that must be taken to achieve a lasting and real change. According to the Human Rights Watch report (2021), the Colombian government should be focused on permanently reducing the power of the armed groups through various measures, including: investigations that manage to dismantle the insurgent groups. Similarly, the Human Rights Watch report recommends that the State should prioritize remote regions, provide immediate protection to social leaders, and increase the quality of the state presence (Human Rights Watch, 2021). On the other hand, according to Trejos & Badillo (2020), it is essential that the State involve the mayors and governors of the various municipalities and departments in order to establish public policies with a specific territorial focus. In addition, the government must develop medium and long-term action plans through coordination of the national, regional and local context. It should be noted that the voices and stories of social leaders are necessary to better understand the context of violence. In this sense, by capturing experiences, the government and policy makers can be better prepared to design effective policies that help reduce violence and the killings of social leaders.
In conclusion, it is important that the Colombian state focus its attention on the current situation faced by social leaders in order to reduce violence and promote significant change. Without a doubt, the fight against drug trafficking, systematic violence and the ravages of the armed conflict is very complex and requires real actions from the State. Throughout this article, it has been evident that the assassinations of social leaders is a multifaceted problem, given that the factors that trigger it are diverse. Indeed, the absence of the state in rural areas allows levels of violence against leaders to continue and increase. On the other hand, the support given by human rights defenders is crucial because this work is fundamental for the communities directly involved but also for the country as a whole as the rule of law, and peaceful stability offers greater economic stability than the current scenario. This work, however, makes them direct targets of illegal groups. Likewise, it is evident that at the national level the most affected departments are Cauca, Antioquia and Valle de Cauca. However, other regions such as the Caribbean region also arouse concern, due to their high levels of violence against social leaders. In this sense, those departments that comply with the patterns surrounding the murders of social leaders such as: state absence, inequality, poverty, and the presence of armed groups, among others, are clearly more vulnerable. It should be noted that the current situation affects a broad spectrum of social leaders, yet it is important that the Colombian government prioritize communal leaders, since they are the most affected. The cases of Luis Eduardo Caldera and Jorge Luis Betancur are only two of the many that exist regarding the murders of communal leaders. Finally, to address the problem of social leaders, the Colombian government must carry out policies and projects that help combat violence and murders against activists. To this end, organizations such as Human Rights Watch and a wide array of academics have made a long list of guidelines and recommendations that can be very useful in order to face this problem. It is important to mention that by learning about the experiences and stories of social leaders, policy makers and the state can be better equipped to develop more efficient and specific policies.
*Article written by Felix Mejia & Maria Jose Restrepo.
References
Carreño Vega, M. A., García Burgos, J. S., Gómez Calderón, J. S., & Mateus Ariza, C. Asesinatos de líderes sociales en Colombia. Taken from: https://repository.usta.edu.co/bitstream/handle/11634/24031/ASESINATOS%20DE%20LÍDERES%20SOCIALES%20EN%20COLOMBIA.pdf?sequence=1&isAllowed=y
Humans rights watch. (2021). Left Undefended Killings of Rights Defenders in Colombia’s Remote Communities. Taken from:
Indepaz. (2020). Informe especial. Registro de líderes y personas defensoras de DDHH asesinadas. Taken from:
La Libertad Sublime. (2020). Luis Eduardo Caldera Villamizar and the dangers faced by social leaders in the south of Bolívar. Taken from: https://lalibertadsublime.home.blog/2020/06/08/luis-eduardo-caldera-villamizar-and-the-dangers-faced-by-social-leaders-in-the-south-of-bolivar/
La Libertad Sublime. (2020). Jorge Luis Betancourt & the dangers of defending Human Rights in the south of Córdoba. Taken from: https://lalibertadsublime.home.blog/2020/06/15/jorge-luis-betancourt-the-dangers-of-defending-human-rights-in-the-south-of-cordoba/
Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights Human Rights. (n.d). About human rights defenders. Taken from: https://www.ohchr.org/en/issues/srhrdefenders/pages/defender.aspx
Trejos, L., y Badillo, R. (2020). Los cuatro conflictos del Caribe colombiano: balance de la confrontación armada durante el primer semestre del 2020. Barranquilla: Centro de Pensamiento UNCaribe, Universidad del Norte. Taken from: https://www.uninorte.edu.co/documents/12067923/14752905/Los+cuatro+conflictos+del+Caribe+-+Informe+del+primer+semestre+(2020).pdf/6babd784-dec2-4b44-a1b5-d49b9c02de90
Washington Office on Latin American Affairs. (n.d). Grupos Armados Ilegales. Taken from: https://www.wola.org/es/grupos-armados-ilegales/
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